Australian government bypasses Jakarta, builds ties with military

Australian government bypasses Jakarta, builds ties with military Lauren Gumbs  ;   The writer holds a Masters in Communications from Griffith University in Queensland and is doing a Masters in Human Rights at Curtin University in Perth

JAKARTA POST,  27 Februari 2014

                                                                                                                        

                                                                                         

                                                                                                                       

Relations might be tense between Jakarta and Canberra, but between Canberra and the Indonesian Military (TNI), things have never been better. Indonesian officials are in disbelief that special life rafts carrying undocumented migrants were given by Australian authorities for the purpose of sending back migrants but concede that there might be a special agreement between Australian and Indonesian defense force chiefs. Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa remains steadfast in opposing the coalition’s boat U-turns despite six reported incidents where boat people have been pushed back or even sent back on new lifeboats purchased solely for that task. And President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, deeply concerned about impositions on sovereignty as well as public ire, is still smarting after the phone-tapping furor and recent accidental maritime incursions. The TNI however, previously told to beef up maritime border protection and point its radar Australia’s way, has been largely silent on rhetoric about threats to Indonesia’s sovereignty from Australia and somehow missed two giant orange life rafts being chaperoned around the sea for several days before finally being nudged back toward Indonesia. After a lifeboat filled with migrants landed on popular Pangandaran Beach in West Java in early February, Indonesian media reported the tongue-in-cheek comments of TNI commander Gen. Moeldoko on the police investigation into the occurrence; an event that the TNI and perhaps even the National Police — whose job it is to catch people smugglers — was almost certainly well aware of and well informed about. Reports said a sophisticated life raft suspected to have been given by Australian authorities had landed on Pangandaran Beach with dozens of migrants onboard and the case was being looked into by police. But Moeldoko refused to give anything away. “So strange, it’s not like the boat could have just fallen out of the sky. It’s now being investigated by the police,” he said. According to Prime Minister Tony Abbott, the “way to Australia is closed” and boat arrivals have stopped. But this couldn’t have happened without the TNI and police who have done more recently to apprehend people smugglers and police maritime borders than they have in 10 years of otherwise unwelcoming tolerance of the thousands of refugees and migrants waiting in transit around the country. And this in the face of a controversial quasi-immigration/military led unilateral policy that has irritated Jakarta since the 2013 elections and has the Australian media and public locked out of informed debate by strict terms of operational security. The Abbott government has managed to bypass the endless rhetoric and political indolence of Jakarta, circumventing political stonewalls altogether, and halting boat arrivals with the direct support of the TNI and police. Australian Immigration and Border Protection Minister Scott Morrison’s operational secrecy is, in effect, so as not to ruffle Jakarta’s feathers with public debate on policies affecting both countries’ sovereignty. But this military cooperation could stoke a trend that is seeing military figures on the rise in Indonesian politics, traditionally a strongman’s game. TNI previously had to defend claims they were not in line with government policy over allegations that Moeldoko had personally come to an agreement on boats with Australian Defense Force Chief Gen. David Hurley. Moeldoko depoliticized the allegations and referred to his own operational discretion, subtly portraying the extent to which the military still commands authority and legitimacy over certain matters. The Jakarta Post quoted Moeldoko as saying, “My statement did not indicate that I agreed [with the policy], but that I understood such tactical moves. And my reasoning was that the UN declaration says that every country has the right to protect its sovereignty. If it were my responsibility, I would have done the same thing. So, that’s the context. “I am not talking about foreign policy. I am talking about tactical matters in the field,” he said. Indonesian lawmakers are angry at this latest Australian “provocation”, however Singaporean fighter planes crossed into Indonesian airspace this week, demonstrating that threats to Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty can come from other directions, and extenuating the way that the TNI has reasserted itself into the political debate. With such sovereign and domestic threats featuring on the horizon, and the endless corruption scandals biting chunks out of democratic legitimacy, some fear that Indonesian voters may turn towards the strong leadership offered by presidential candidates with a military background. Indeed, Prabowo Subianto, a former general, is second in line to the throne after Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo (so far an unofficial candidate). The presence of conservatively nationalist military actors in the political sphere signals retrograde forces at play in Indonesia’s still vulnerable democratization. In Indonesia politics can be a largely patrimonial game, so if Australia enjoys special cooperation on a controversial humanitarian issue now it may one day have to return the favor. ●